| ACCEPTANCE OF CEASE-FIRE PROPOSALS OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL BY THE
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA AND THE GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN
New Delhi, 16 September 1965 and Rawalpindi, 22 September 1965 Letter dated 17 September, 1965 from the Permanent Representative of India addressed to the President of the Security Council I have the honour to request you to circulate as a Security Council document the enclosed statement of the Prime Minister of India
which he made in Parliament on 16 September, 1965: Please accept, etc. Sd /-
G. PARTHASARATHI,
Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary. PRIME MINISTER SHASTRI’S STATEMENT IN PARLIAMENT
New Delhi, 16 September, 1965 Prime Minister Shastri made the following statement in the Parliament in New Delhi on 16 September, 1965 : As Members are aware, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, U Thant arrived in New Delhi on 12 September, 1965, and after staying
here for three days he left yesterday for New York. We welcomed him amongst ourselves not only as a high dignitary but also as representative
of the World Organization on which lies the heavy responsibility of preserving international peace. The Secretary-General and I had
free and frank discussions. He met the Foreign Minister and also saw the Defence Minister. During the discussions the Secretary-General drew attention to the grave implications of the present conflict, specially in relation
to the welfare of the 600 million people belonging to India and Pakistan. He referred to the Security Council resolution of 4 and
6 September and appealed that cease-fire should be ordered immediately by both countries. I gave factual narration of events as they had taken place and pointed out that the present conflict was not of our seeking. It was
started by Pakistan when thousands of armed infiltrators invaded our State of Jammu and Kashmir commencing from 5 August, 1965 with
the objective of destroying or capturing vital positions such as airports, police stations and bridges and ultimately of seizing
power forcibly from the State Government at Srinagar. Finding that its initial invasion had largely failed, Pakistan had launched
on 1 September, 1965, massive armed attack not only across the Cease-Fire Line but across the international frontier as well. Pakistan
had thus not only started the conflict but had further escalated it in such manner as to leave India with no choice except to take
counter-measures in self defence. I explained all this to the Secretary-General and told him that the present conflict had been forced upon us by Pakistani aggression.
We were determined however to preserve fully and completely the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our country of which the
State of Jammu and Kashmir formed an integral part; nor could we accept a situation in which Pakistan may continue its armed aggression
on India time and again.
The Secretary-General was particularly anxious that as first step we should agree to cease-fire and to cessation of hostilities.
I told him that cease-fire in regard to fighting between troops was understandable but the question of raiders would still remain
on our hands. I pointed out that we would have to continue to deal effectively with these raiders, many of whom were still at large
in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, unless of course Pakistan undertook to withdraw them from our territory. We went into the pros and cons of cease-fire in some detail. Subsequently I received a letter from the Secretary-General in which
his appeal for cease-fire was reiterated. A copy of this letter has been placed on the Table of the House. After full consideration
of all aspects, we sent a reply of which also a copy is laid on the Table of the House. As Honourable Members would see from a perusal
of this letter, we raised no objection to the Secretary- General’s proposal for cease-fire. However, in regard to certain matters
of vital importance to India we made our stand perfectly clear. For instance, as already stated, we would have to deal with the raiders
who were still sporadically attacking public property or harassing people in the State of Jammu and Kashmir. Also, we could not possibly revert to a situation in which we may find ourselves once again unable to prevent infiltrations or to deal effectively
with those who had already come in. In regard to the political aspect of the question, we made it clear that we were fully determined
to maintain the sovereignty and territorial integrity of India of which the State of Jammu and Kashmir was an integral part. From
this resolve we could never be deflected no matter what the pressure or threat. These were not conditions attached to our acceptance
of cease-fire but were meant to be clear and unequivocal reiteration of our stand in regard to those vital matters. Late in the evening on 1 September, I received a further letter from the Secretary-General saying that he could not give any undertaking,
to which I sent reply yesterday morning pointing out that as a matter of fact we had not asked him to give any undertaking to us.
Our acceptance of the cease-fire proposal thus complied fully with the appeal of the Secretary-General. Copies of these letters also
have been tabled. The Secretary-General told me prior to his departure from New Delhi that if by the evening of 15 September, 1965 Pakistan did not
give a reply agreeing to ceasefire, we should take it that agreement on this question had not been possible. Since no such acceptance
was received by the stipulated time, an announcement was made that our Defence forces will have to continue operations with unabated
vigour. Although the Secretary General’s present effort to bring about stoppage of hostilities in order to pave the way for peace
has not been fruitful through no lack of cooperation from us, he intends, as he has announced publicly, to pursue his efforts further
and just before leaving Delhi he sent me a further letter, copy of which is being placed on the Table of the House. We will send
a considered reply as soon as possible. As Members would see, we have made every effort to extend all co-operation to the United Nations in its efforts to restore peace and
we accepted the Secretary General’s proposal for immediate cease-fire. Pakistan on the other hand has given no such acceptance. In
fact, indications are that she is intent upon continuing fight unless her own plan involving withdrawal of armed forces of India
and Pakistan from the entire State of Jammu and Kashmir, induction of United Nations Force and plebiscite within three months there
after is agreed to. Let me state on the floor of this House that not one of these conditions is acceptable to India. It is obvious
now that Pakistan launched aggression on India by 5 August, 1965, with a view to making an attempt to revive the settled issue of
the State of Jammu and Kashmir. She wants to force a decision by naked aggression. This we cannot possibly allow. We have no alternative
therefore but to carry on our struggle. We fully realize that the present armed conflict between India and Pakistan will cause untold
hardships and misery to people in both countries. However, I am confident that our countrymen would cheerfully undergo those hardships
but they would not allow the aggressor to endanger our freedom or to annex our territories. I have seen some press reports of Ayub Khan’s press conference of yesterday. Among other things he is reported to have observed that
good sense required that India and Pakistan live together in peace. If this is a new and sincere thought I would greatly welcome
it however belated it might be. But if past experience is any guide, these remarks would appear to be part of propaganda to beguile
the world. Previously also Ayub Khan has talked of the virtue of peace and has followed it up by unprovoked aggressions on India
in Kutch and subsequently in Kashmir. Ayub Khan has, I trust, by now seen the result of Pakistan’s policy of hate and hostility against
India. As circumstances exist today the nation has to be continuously alert and be ready for any sacrifice to preserve our freedom and integrity.
I am greatly beholden to Parliament, to all political parties and indeed to the entire nation for their united stand against the
aggressor. I want also to express once again the gratitude of the nation to the valiant Armed Forces who have already demonstrated
that they are capable not only of defending our frontiers but also of delivering crushing blows to the invader. Their deeds of heroism
will make a glorious chapter in the annals of India. This Parliament and the whole country is proud of them. I am confident we will
continue to meet this challenge with the same determination and courage. Letter dated 22nd September, 1965 from the Permanent
Representative of Pakistan addressed to the Secretary-General. I have the honour to transmit the following message from the President of Pakistan which I have received from Rawalpindi at 2.00 EDT
(1100 Rawalpindi time) today. “Pakistan considers the Security Council resolution No. 211 of 20th September ae unsatisfactory. However, in the interest of international
peace, and in order to enable the Security Council to evolve a self-executing procedure which will lead to an honourable settlement
of the root cause of the present conflict, namely, the Jammu and Kashmir dispute, I have issued the following orders to the Pakistan
Armed forces : (1) They will stop fighting as from 1205 hours West Pakistan time today. (2) As from that time they will not fire on enemy forces unless fired upon;
(3)
provided the Indian Government issues similar orders to its Armed Forces.” Please accept, etc. Sd /-
SYED AMJAD ALI
Permanent Representative of Pakistan
to the United Nations. | 